Arif Mansourov THE GENES OF HYENAS. Second Revised Edition

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Arif Mansourov THE GENES OF HYENAS Second Revised Edition BAKU Translated into English by Zia K. Neymatoulin A. Mansourov The Genes of Hyenas B. Sharg-Garb, 1994, 80 p. The names of those acting
Arif Mansourov THE GENES OF HYENAS Second Revised Edition BAKU Translated into English by Zia K. Neymatoulin A. Mansourov The Genes of Hyenas B. Sharg-Garb, 1994, 80 p. The names of those acting in this play-pamphlet are, beyond any doubt, well-known to the readers. The pro-armenian intrigues and plots carried on by its heroes against the Azerbaijani people at different times are not the author's artistic invention, but real historical facts based on documents It is very likely that having read this small-volume play-pamphlet, the reader may find it not difficult to rightly guess who pursued, when and what kind of policy against us, and probably will draw for himself an appropriate conclusion. ISBN Sharg-Garb, The author of this play-pamphlet is Arif Enver ogly Mansourov, one of the renowned public figures, representatives of intelligentsia, who enjoys well-deserved respect and authority in our republic. While holding important managerial and public offices, he, at the same time, is actively involved in scientific, social and political journalism. He is the author of ten scientific works, as well as the book White Spots of History and Peristroika which was published in several languages and had a wide public response in the republic and far beyond its borders, as also of many splendid articles on social and political affairs which were taken in by the readers with great interest. Remaining true to the noble traditions of his ancestors, Arif Mansourov, one may say, occupies the first place among contemporary patrons of art in the republic. The erection of monuments to beloved-by-the-whole-people Haji Zeinalabdin Tagiev, immortal poet Aliaga Vahid, and many other charity deeds are connected with his name. At present Arif Mansourov is working on new themes. He attaches special importance to preparing for publication of a Red Book of Azerbaijan nature, a work in many volumes. IN LIEU OF A PREFACE The roots of today tragedies fallen upon our heads go far to the remote past. We know only a little bit of this history. Recently, the interest to the study of its white spots both on a serious scientific-theoretical and artistic-publiscistic level has greatly grown up. The documents of those years, made public, terrify us. We see that for the leaders whom we once believed, to be more exact, whom we were forced to believe, Azerbaijan was an instrument in games of the big-times politics. Arif Mansourov's play-pamphlet just reveals the rotten essence of these politicians. Through artistic means the author brings to the reader a number of real facts. Skilfully depicted are bloody periods of our past and present, the deeds of separate personalities who have been acting in the name of our well-being and happiness . 3 The author has also accomplished much in the matter of establishing the irreversible regularity in the development of the communist stage of history, of the continuity of the moral successive links. One would like to believe that this play-pamphlet will be properly understood by the readers, and will create with them a notion of the complicated times in the past 70 years, of true culprits-organisers of the crying events of the bygone decades. PART 1 GABIL HUSEINLY Doctor of Philosophy, Professor Actors playing the parts of Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Bukharin, Kamenev, Zinoviev at the beginning appear wearing masks (identical) with divine images and a halo, and loose robes. As the Man of the theatre introduces them, each in turn throws off the mask and the robe and emerges before the audience in his own true appearance. Either all are barebooted, or there is camouflage over their footware which is taken off together with the clothes. MOSCOW, KREMLIN, 1918 End of August (Lenin's study. 22 o'clock. A secretary enters as the bell rings.) Lenin: Comrade Manucharyants, invite to me comrades Trotsky, Stalin, Bukharin and... (Pausing as if deliberating) Kamenev and Zinoviev. We shall have a confidential meeting. There'll be no need of stenographers...however, hm... warn Glyasser and Flakserman, perhaps they'll also be needed. We'll start the meeting at 23 sharp. And now connect me with Avanesov (secretary and member of the Presidium of the Vtsik (*), member of the All-Russian Commission for Repair of Railroad Transport, member of the Narkomat (*) of Goscontrol Board (*)), Belenky (commissar of the Vecheka (*), official of the department for the struggle against malfeasance, from 1919 to 1924 was head of Lenin's personal bodyguards), Berman (after October chairman of the Moscow Revolutionary Tribunal), Boky (member of the Petrograd Defence Committee, deputy chairman, chairman of the Petrograd Cheka (*)), Bregman (chairman of the Kronshtadt Party Committee, chairman of the Kronshtadt Defence Committee), Karakhanyan (member of the Narkomindel (*) Board, deputy Narkom (*)), Peters (from July 1918, acting chairman of the Vecheka (*), extraordinary 4 commissar in Petrograd), Sheinkman (chairman of the military-investigating commission of the VRK (*), chairman of the Kazan Revkom (*)), Proshyan (People's Commissar for Posts and Telegraph). Find Kamo! Where is he? I need him badly! Well, there's something else. Take it. I have signed the appeal of the SNK (*) to all railway workers and the resolution, send these telegrams immediately and see that the reply is recieved (holds out sheets)... - This is to Penza Gubispolkom (*), they are excessively soft there, whereas one but ought to mercilessly crash the mutiny of Kulaks (*) and confiscate all their property, this is to the Tula Cheka, this is a decree on the struggle against profiteering... (While Lenin is speaking, holding out the papers, Manucharyants goes behind the desk and stands too close, ready to cling to him. Lenin, as if paying no heed to that, continues holding out the documents.) Lenin: And one thing more (lowering his voice to intimacy) connect me with her, Inessa. Manucharyants (hesitatingly): Vladimir Ilyich, Nadezhda Konstantinovna is in the reception room, it's like, somehow, improper. Lenin: Comrade Manucharyants, do what you are told to do! I am not interested who is in my reception room, that is the security's business and, incidentally, yours. (Embarassed Manucharyants exits. Lenin bends over the desk and writes something with concentration, speaks over the telephone.) The Man of the theatre (appears on the stage. He wears a torn and shotthrough padded jacket, tarpaulin boots, a fur cap with a torn off ear-flap): Ulyanov (Lenin) Vladimir Ilyich, was 47 years old in Despises his immediate and close comrades-in-arms, and even is afraid of some of them (Stalin and Dzerzhinsky, for instance). There are interesting facts. During his life abroad in Switzerland, Germany, Austria, England, Poland, Finland up to April 1917 he was accompanied by Tsederbaum Yuly Abramovich ( ), known in the post-leninist party literature as menshevik (*) Martov. Tsederbaum substituted Lenin his secretary, and a bodyguard, an attorney and a procurer. When living in Geneva, Tsederbaum introduced Lenin to a well-known belle, Inessa Feodorovna Armand ( ). This love affair, of which not only Krupskaya, but the whole leadership of the Party knew, continued till her very last breath and served as a subject for teasing Lenin. Thus, when F.E.Dzerzhinsky gave an order to arrest Tsederbaum, then Lenin secretly from the iron Felix, with the help of an old acquaintance, got a ticket for the train Moscow-Minsk-Warsaw and covertly sent Yuly abroad. Only in this way Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, Vladimir Ulyanov managed to thank his friend, though as head of the state could have ordered Dzerzhinsky to cancel the arrest. As any cowardly man, Lenin was a tyrant. It was 5 by his orders and directives that tens, hundreds, thousands of people were arrested and executed by shooting. It was by his disguised order that an infamous diamond rain had fallen, when in Yekaterinburg the members of Nicolas Il's family were brutally shot and then their bodies soaked with acid to cover all traces of this crime. It was he who for the first time in the history of Russia ordered to create and created concentration camps. Stalin and Hitler were just merely promising pupils of the great inquisitor. It was on his initiative and insistance of the Tseka RKP (B) (*) that on February 4, 1919 there were formed revolutionary tribunals (revtribunals), composed of 3 persons, the famous troiki (*), which were authorized to pass sentences. At the same time Lenin was a sensitive man. In 1921 a group of criminals committed a theft in Gohran (*). The case involved milliards of golden roubles. On August 8, 1921 Lenin writes a note to deputy chairman of the Vecheka GPU (*) Josef Stanislavovich Unshliht (Why not to Dzerzhinsky? - the author): To Vecheka Com. Unshliht Please inform me of the reasons for arrest of a citizen Shelehes Jacob Savelievich, and whether it is possible to release him before the trial on bail of his party comrades. (Lenin's hand never trembled, when just with a stroke of the pen he sent people to be shot, but in this case?! - the author) It should be noted that there were many cases of Lenin's interference in the investigations, in the Cheka (*) affairs, and the executors and the immediate investigators got quite tired of this, therefore not once he got a polite refusal (They in the Cheka remembered a rush around financing Lenin's staying abroad, but of this later - the author). Unshliht skilfully parries the blow making an inscription on the note: Comrade Boky, send me urgently a reference (Boky Gleb Ivanovich ( ), member of the party since 1900, member of the VRK (*), member of the Petrograd Defence Committee, chairman of the Petrograd Cheka, member of the Vecheka Board). On the Lenin's note, Boky on August 9th writes a reply: Comrade Unshliht, J.S.Shelehes has been arrested in connection with the Gohran case and is prosecuted for theft of valuables. His release before trial in the course of proceedings, do not find possible . At the same time Boky informs that he got worried and that kind of inquiries were interfering with his pleading the cases. Lenin was furious with this outright disregard of his disguised request, and defying an elementary official ethics, being enraged, on August 9th he writes a letter... to Dzerzhinsky? No, to the same Boky. Here is Lenin's humaneness and 6 efficiency in getting things done, he had never left people in the lurch. The Bolshevist Russia is waging an internecine battle with internal and external enemies, and the head of the state is in real earnest involved in just another human fate. Thus: Comrade Boky! In the letter about Shelehes (Jacob Savelyevich) You say: he is being solicited by right up to Lenin, and ask to allow you not to take any notice of all kinds of intercessions and pressure in connection with the Gohran case... I can not allow this. The inquiry sent by me is neither pleadings , nor pressure , nor intercession . I am obliged (to whom? - the author) to inquire, as I am pointed to doubts in the rightness. You have to answer me to the point: the arguments or evidence are serious, so and so, I am against the mitigation (So Lenin, no doubt, knew that the case meant shooting - the author), and so on and so forth. Just in this way, to the point, you must answer me. Intercessions and pleadings you may refuse, pressure is an unlawful action (Lenin tries to justify himself before history - the author), but I repeat, your mixing up the inquiry from Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars with an intercession, pleading or pressure is erroneus . What is Shelehes, anyway, and why does Lenin so interestedly interfere in this case? Who points him to doubt , at whose dictation does he press upon the investigation? To clarify this fact the author had to thoroughly work in the archives, and as a result, some interesting details came to light. In 1887, 17-year-old Volodya Ulyanov for organizing the students unrest, which followed the execution of his elder brother Alexander ( ), was exiled to the village of Kokushkino situated some tens of kilometers from Kazan, and lived there in a luxurious estate. And there he closely got together with his cousin, 13 year-old... Yasha Shelehes ( ). It turned out that this estate belonged, don't be surprised, spectator, to Volodya's grandfather on mother side - Abram Danovich Blank (Alexander Dmitriyevich Blank). Lenin's mother, Maria Alexandrovna (Abramovna) Blank served at the court of Alexander III (in those days the nationality was identified not by origin, but by religion), and got pregnant from the tzar. Then she was sent to Kokushkino where she was married to Ilya Ulyanov, the latter being promised promotion at his service and a decent salary. The born son was named in honour of his real father, Alexander. Sasha, consequently, having learned about this story, tried to revenge the tzar. Vladimir Ulyanov also learned about this family secret and was revenging the Romanovs both for his brother and mother's outraged honour. Subsequently, the family of Shelehes settled in Moscow and Yasha, having inherited from his father a big jewelery and watchmaker's shop, frequently 7 supported Lenin materially. Soon after October 1917 Jacob Shelehes got fixed up in a job in Glavzoloto (*) of the Council of Mines of the VSNH (*), and from March 1920 occupied the post of a chief assessor in Gohran of Russia, where he became the head of a group of embezzbers. In 1921 he was arrested by the Vecheka. After a brief investigation, in October 1921 he was executed by shooting. All the same, on December 2, 1921 Lenin writes to the Vecheka again: Please send me secretly through comrade Gorbunov a report on the state of things with the case in Gohran . No one answered him. Lenin himself didn't raise this question any more, but having a revengeful and rancorous nature could not forgive neither Stalin, nor Dzerzhinsky this and other cases, and at every suitable moment tried to sting them. And there had been such cases and Lenin used them skilfully. On December 30-31, 1922 in his notes to the Politburo he wrote: ...I think that at this point Stalin's impatience and administrative inclination, as well as his animosity against the notorius social-nationalism , have played here a fateful role. Animosity, in general, usually plays in politics the worst part. I am also afraid that comrade Dzerzhinsky, who had traveled to the Caucasus to investigate the case connected with crimes of these social-nationalists , made himself notable there also only with his truly Russian mood (it is known that Russified Non Russians always go too far in the line of truly Russian mood). I think that neither by any provocation, nor by any insult one can justify this Russian assault and battery, and that comrade Dzerzhinsky is irreparably guilty in that he treated these assault and battery frivolously . Lenin with a virtuosity plays off Russian, Polish and Georgian bolsheviks against Stalin and Dzerzhinsky. That Georgian who scornfully throws accusation in social-nationalism (who meanwhile himself is a real and true, not only social-nationalist , but also a rude and Great Russian derzhimorda (*)), that Georgian, in fact, infringes the interests of the proletarian class solidarity... And not concealing his animosity, Lenin openly calls for dealing with them: Politically responsible for all this really Great Russian-nationalistic campaign is necessary to make, of course, Stalin and Dzerzhinsky . Another stroke to Lenin's portrait. For decades he had been working, made friends, collaborated, disputed, corresponded, brought closer some and estranged others. Lenin felt acute need of them and this feeling was mutual. This was when a menace hung over all of them, but when they would come to POWER, all the deep hatred they had felt towards each other for years came out rushing. And here Lenin served a model in his noted testament , which for decades Stalin carefully concealed from the people. And, if to believe Lenin to the end, then it turns out that the powers that be have flourishing in them the 8 meannest human features: baseness, treachery, whimness, incompetence, doubledealing and others. Thus, Lenin writes about his closest comrades-in-arms: Pyatakov ( the author) - a man of, no doubt, outstanding abilities, but is too easily carried away with ruling by orders and decrees and the administrative aspect of affair to be trusted in a serious political matter... Bukharin ( the author) - is not only the most valuable and the most prominent theoretician of the party, he is also considered, by all rights, a favourite of the whole party, but his theoretical views can, with great doubt, be referred to as fully marxist, for there is something scholastic about him, he has never studied and, I think, he never quite understood the dialectics....i will not further characterize other members of the Central Committee with regard to their personal qualities. I would only remind that the October episode of Zinoviev and Kamenev, of course, was not an accident, but they may also be little blamed for it personally as well as Trotsky for his neo-bolshevism....comrade Stalin, having become General Secretary, concentrated in his hands the absolute power, and I am not sure whether he will always be able to, carefully enough, use this power... This was written by Lenin on December 24, 1922; no doubt, Krupskaya had read it all, and she told Lenin how Stalin once rudely treated her. Then on January 4, 1923 Lenin makes an additional remark: Stalin is too rude, and this short-coming, quite tolerable amidst us and in relations between us, the communists (an interesting approach of Lenin to rudeness - the author), becomes intolerable in the capacity of Gensec. Therefore I suggest the comrades should think over the way of moving (not move or dismiss, but find a way , that is do it stealthily, behind the back of Stalin himself - the author) Stalin from this place and appoint to this place another man (But whom, if Lenin himself had flung mud at all of them? - the author)......comrade Trotsky is notable for his outstanding abilities. Personally, he is perhaps the most capable man in the present Central Committee, but excessively boasting of self-confidence and excessive enthusiasm for the purely administrative aspect of the business ... Lenin, being a Philistine by nature, could in the name of his personal interests neglect the interests of the party and his associates. After Stalin had been elected General Secretary, Lenin concieved still more hatred for him, and tried on occasion to deal with him. However, being simple-looking in appearence, but in reality cunning and insidious, Stalin didn't give Lenin the slightest chance, constantly manoeuvring, and with his concessions and agreements disarmed him. And, finally, this chance came. During Lenin's illness in , by special resolution the Politburo made Stalin responsible for control of Lenin's 9 health. The doctors categorically forbade Lenin to be involved in state and political affairs. Stalin set up rigid rules and there was no admittance to Lenin for anyone, except the doctors and himself. And when it became known to Stalin that Krupskaya without his knowledge advised Lenin of the current affairs, he scolded her on the telephone using foul language, and threatened to expel her from the party. Very frightened, Krupskaya immediately informs about this conversation, first Kamenev and Zinovyev, and then Lenin himself. Lenin without any delay takes up the pen: To comrade Stalin. Top Secret. Personal. Copy to Comrades Kamenev and Zinoviev. Dear Comrade Stalin! You were rude enough to call my wife to the telephone and scold her. Though she expressed you her agreement to forget what had been said, nevertheless, this fact became known through her to Zinoviev and Kamenev. I have no intention to forget so easily wha
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