Anonimo Mexicano

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Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All USU Press Publications USU Press 2005 Anonimo Mexicano Richley Crapo Bonnie Glass-Coffin Follow this and additional…
Utah State University DigitalCommons@USU All USU Press Publications USU Press 2005 Anonimo Mexicano Richley Crapo Bonnie Glass-Coffin Follow this and additional works at: pubs Part of the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Crapo, R. H., & Glass-Coffin, B. (2005). Anónimo mexicano. Logan, UT: Utah State University Press. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the USU Press at DigitalCommons@USU. It has been accepted for inclusion in All USU Press Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@USU. For more information, please contact edited by Richley Crapo and Bonnie Glass-Coffin ANÓNIMO MEXICANO The island of Aztlan and its seven caves from which the Mexica, Tlaxcalteca, and other Chichimeca emerged. (“Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca,” Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Manuscript, Mexicain 51–53, fol. 28. ) ANÓNIMO MEXICANO edited by Richley H. Crapo Bonnie Glass-Coffin Utah State University Press Logan, UT 2005 Utah State University Press Logan, Utah 84322–7800 All rights reserved Printed on recycled, acid-free paper Copyright © 2005 Utah State University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Anónimo mexicano. English & Nahuatl Anónimo mexicano / edited by Richley H. Crapo, Bonnie Glass-Coffin. p. cm. Includes a full English translation, the original classical Nahuatl, and a modern Nahuatl version. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-87421-623-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN 0-87421-515-3 (e-book) 1. Indians of Mexico. 2. Tlaxcalan Indians--Origin. 3. Tlaxcalan Indians--History. 4. Tlaxcalan Indians--Migrations. 5. Manuscripts, Nahuato--Mexico--Tlaxcala (State) 6. Tlaxcala (Mexico : State)--History--Sources. I. Crapo, Richley H. II. Glass-Coffin, Bonnie, 1957- III. Title. F1219.A61A66 2005 972--dc22 2005022566 Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 7 Chapter 2 11 Chapter 3 21 Chapter 4 25 Chapter 5 28 The Beginning of the Mexican War 38 Chapter 7 43 Chapter 8 45 Chapter 9 49 Chapter 10 56 Chapter 11 58 Chapter 12 61 Notes 66 References Cited 102 Index 103 Illustrations The island of Aztlan and its seven caves ii The city of Tollan and its sphere of influence 8 The stinking corpse 9 The scribal rubric and attestation 10 Two Chichimec warriors 12 Xolotl on Mount Xoloc with his son Nopaltzin 14 Anahuac, the well-watered lands of the Valley of Mexico 17 Scribe’s drawing of the bird 22 Places mentioned in Anónimo Mexicano 24 The region of the war of Teopoyauhtlan 31 The glyph sign for Tlaxcala 41 The four cabaseras of Tlaxcala 46 INTRODUCTION When Hernán Cortés arrived in Mexico in 1519, the Mexi- converts, four Tlaxcalan caciques, in 1520. Three more ar- ca of the Valley of Mexico ruled an empire of three to four rived in 1522, and others—called the Twelve Apostles of million people. A million of these lived in the Valley of New Spain—joined them from Spain in 1524 under the Mexico, where the Mexica capital city of Tenochtitlan was leadership of Martin de Valencia. The Franciscans were off- located. The other two or three million people were made spring of the Renaissance and its humanistic emphasis on up of conquered tributary groups outside the Valley of the importance of education, and the socializing of the In- Mexico. The Tlaxcalteca, who resided in the next valley to dians into following Spanish customs, law, and religion was the east of the Valley of Mexico, were a traditional enemy of a high priority for them. To this end, they founded schools the Mexica; they had not been conquered and incorporated at San Jose de los Naturales and Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco into the Mexica domain even though they were surround- in Tenochtitlan. In 1529, the Franciscans finished building ed by peoples who were tributary to the Mexica. Cortés a monasterial complex in Tlaxcala, La Catedral de la Asun- found in the Tlaxcalteca a powerful ally in his war against ción. In order to learn about those they hoped to convert, the Mexica. Although estimates of its size vary greatly, the the friars sought out native books, but almost all of these Tlaxcalteca army that supported Cortés was formidable. had been destroyed by the Conquistadors, so they encour- Bernal Díaz del Castillo (1552) estimated that there were aged their students to record information about their native 40,000 Tlaxcalteca warriors, while Cortés himself set the culture in books which were written with a Latin alphabet. number at 100,000. Both the Mexica and the Tlaxcalteca One of these was the monumental work of Fray Bernardi- were speakers of the Nahuatl language whose ancestors had no de Sahagún, his twelve-volume General History of the migrated south from the high deserts of northern Mexico Things of New Spain (1963). New codices were created in and adopted an agriculturally based, urban way of life in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries using contempo- Mexico’s high plateau. Both documented their histories in rary knowledge of Indian scribes and students, including traditional “painted books” that were created and interpret- the Mendoza Codex, Codex Mexicanus, Telleriano-Remensis ed by specially trained scribes, but the history of central (1553–63), and the Codex of Ixtlilxochitl. A very few of the Mexico is dominated in popular imagination by the stories pre-Conquest native Nahuatl books were also preserved, that the Mexica of the Valley of Mexico recounted about notably those of the Borgia group of codices. themselves and their ancestors, while relatively few are Most of what we know of the Nahuatl-speaking aware of the Tlaxcalan histories. Anónimo Mexicano is par- peoples of the high desert of Mexico comes from materi- ticularly valuable because it is one of the rare non-Mexica als compiled in the Mexica capital city of Tenochtitlan in accounts of the history of ancient Mexico. It was preserved the Valley of Mexico, which was transformed after the Con- because the Franciscan friars who settled in Tlaxcala and quest into what is now Mexico City. The city of Tlaxcala converted the native population to their Christian religion had a population of 300,000 when Cortés arrived. It was taught some of their converts to read and write using the situated in the next valley to the east of the Valley of Mexico Latin alphabet also used for writing Spanish, and encour- and was the capital of an independent state that had not aged their students to preserve the traditions of their native been conquered by the Mexica. Therefore, a Tlaxcalan per- books in this new system of writing by adapting it to the spective on the history of the Nahuatl-speaking peoples is writing of their own Nahuatl language. a particularly important addition to the more well-known Two Franciscans accompanied Cortés when he ar- Mexica viewpoint. Tlaxcala was not only important in rived in New Spain in 1519. They baptized their first its role as ally of Cortés in the conquest of the Valley of 1 2 Anónimo Mexicano Mexico, but it also continued to have an important role in verso of folio 30 of the Paris manuscript as “enlotf os no 22 the ensuing history of New Spain. For instance, Tlaxcala ynbo tt 5o” (bundled together as number 22 in inventory 5). became the first diocese in New Spain to function under This note was written in handwriting that Gómez de Oro- the guidance of a bishop, the Dominican Fray Julían Garcés zco (1927) and, later, Francisco del Paso y Troncoso (see (whose arrival in Tlaxcala in 1527 is described in Anónimo Gibson 1952) identified as that of the Mexican lawyer and Mexicano). The original diocese of Tlaxcala comprised the historian Mariano Fernández de Echeverría y Veytia (1718– states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Vera Cruz, Tabasco, Hidalgo, and 1780). Balbuena described the manuscript as having been Guerrero—all outside the Valley of Mexico. It was from the written in two memorandum books on twenty-nine leaves Franciscan monastary at Tlaxcala in 1541 that Juan Diego of Castilian paper. The discrepancy in the number of pages Bernardino, an Indian servant in the monastery, began his in the manuscript is likely a result of the fact that the thirti- walk to visit his sick family in Xiloxoxtla during a plague eth leaf was blank on the recto side and contained only Bal- of smallpox in the region, the journey on which he is said buena’s inventory number on the verso, so was likely disre- to have had his vision of Our Lady of Ocotlán, a story that garded by Balbuena in his description. It should be noted has striking similarities to that of the similarly named Juan that although the manuscript contains eleven full chapters Diego of Tlatelolco in the Valley of Mexico from a decade as described above, its main body actually ends with the earlier, but one that emphasized the piety rather than skep- heading and introductory paragraph of a twelfth chapter ticism of the Franciscan religious leaders of Tlaxcala to which was intended to be a history of Tizatlan (later known whom the Indian reported his message. as Xicotencatl), and that the manuscript now held in Paris Between 1581 and 1584, the historian Diego Muñoz has three more folios written on leaves that had been dam- Camargo—the son of a conquistador and a native wom- aged prior to the time of the writing and that consist of an—wrote his History of Tlaxcala, a work in both Spanish copies by a second writer, in a clearly later style of writing, and Nahuatl as a gift for the Spanish king, Philip II. In 1615, of parts of some of the chapters by the primary scribe. Fray Juan de Torquemada published his Monarquia Indiana, According to Francisco del Paso y Troncoso (cited a work that drew on various earlier sources, including the in Závala 1938), the director of the National Museum of work of Muñoz Camargo, as well as Indian memories of Mexico, Anónimo Mexicano was written in a cortesana their own native books. One of his Indian sources was most style script in a late sixteenth- or early seventeenth-century certainly Anónimo Mexicano itself, as documented by the ex- hand (see also note 339). This suggested dating places the tremely close parallels between Torquemada’s Spanish text manuscript within what James Lockhart (1992) classified and the Nahuatl history preserved in Anónimo Mexicano. as stage two of a four-stage process of change in post-Con- The Nahuatl text of Anónimo Mexicano is a twelve- quest Nahuatl. Stage one was a short period from the ar- chapter document concerning the history of the Nahuatl rival of Cortés in 1519 to about 1545, during which time Tlaxcalteca, who migrated from the northern frontier of there was relative stability in Nahuatl and the only known the Toltec empire at its fall. It is housed in the Bibliothèque alphabetic documents were census records from the area of Nationale de Paris in the Aubin-Goupil collection, within Cuernavaca. Stage two, the period to which Anónimo Mexi- which it is identified as document number 254 under the cano belongs, was from that time until near the mid-seven- title, Documents en nahuatl relatifs aux Toltèques, etc. The teenth century. This period was one of a massive influx of acquisition was dated 5 August 1898. The manuscript was Spanish loan words into Nahuatl, but little other influence described as consisting of two notebooks with thirty fo- from Spanish. This was the period to which Fray Alonso de lio pages. Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci visited Mexico from Molina’s Nahuatl dictionary belongs, a work that began to 1736 through 1744 and gathered the first important collec- appear as early as 1555. This was a period of intense collab- tion of native writings. In his catalog of July 1743, Boturini orative work by Fransciscan friars and the native students indicated that the manuscript was in his possession. He de- who were being training to write Nahuatl in an adapted scribed the manuscript as consisting of eleven chapters that Spanish alphabet, and who were simultaneously serving as contained a history of the four cabeceras of Tlaxcala that resources of knowledge about pre-Spanish native culture. had been copied on two cuadernos of European paper by Examples of Spanish loanwords that are found in Anónimo the interpreter Francisco de Loaysa. In the September 1743 Mexicano include mitxa (mass), Castilianos (Spaniards), Balbuena catalog, the same manuscript is listed as inven- Franciscanos (Franciscans), and, of course, several personal tory 5, number 22, a designation that also appears on the and place names. Introduction 3 The author of Anónimo Mexicano is not known with the same manuscript as that examined by Boturini but certainty, but Boturini thought that the manuscript was an cataloged it as “Legajo 2, Cuaderno 1.” He interpreted it as extraction from a history of Tlaxcala by a Tlaxcalan caci- made up of translations of parts of Torquemada’s three- que named Miguelé Tlacuitlocintlí. On the other hand, in volume Monarquía Indiana on twenty-nine manuscript his inventory, Patricio Ana López ([1745–46] 1925), who pages. Paso y Troncoso believed that it had been used by undoubtedly knew Boturini’s opinion and used Boturini’s Alva Ixtlilxóchitl (1840), and noted that it contained data catalog identification, insisted that the work was anony- very similar to those reported by the sixteenth-century mous. Rosa y Saldívar ([1847] 1947) believed that one sec- historian Muñoz Camargo ([1585] 1966), whose sources tion, chapter 5, was authored by Benito Itzcacmacuetzli (as seem now to be lost. Rosa y Saldívar also noted that, with the chapter itself suggests). the exception of chapter 5, Anónimo Mexicano contains A full English translation of Anónimo Mexicano has many parallels with Torquemada’s Monarquía Indiana. He never been undertaken. A Spanish translation of the first asserted that Anónimo Mexicano was a translation of por- five chapters by Mariano J. Rojas is housed in the Instituto tions of Torquemada’s history into Nahuatl. Similarly, Gib- Nacional de Antropología, and another Spanish translation son (1952) has contended that Anónimo Mexicano might be of the first three chapters by Padre Aquiles Gerste was pub- a partial back-translation into Nahuatl by Torquemada. On lished by Alfredo Chavero (1903) in the Anales del Museo the other hand, Jiménez Moreno (1938, pp. 575–76) viewed Nacional de México. John A. Hasler (1958) also published it as one of the sources that Torquemada drew upon, an an edited work, Anónimo Mexicano: Paleographia which opinion with which we concur for reasons which we give presented both the Nahuatl and parallel passages of “His- below. toria y fundación de la ciudad de Tlaxcala y sus cuatro ca- Although each document contains information ab- beceras” which, like Anónimo Mexicano, has parallels with sent in the other, the history given by the anonymous writ- book 3, chapters 6 and 12–19 of Torquemada’s Monarquía er does parallel that of Torquemada’s Monarquía Indiana Indiana, and which Gibson (1952) regarded as a translation quite closely in many respects, including important simi- into Nahuatl of those sections of Torquemada’s work. larities both of sequencing and phraseology. The parallels Gerste noted that the Nahuatl manuscript is difficult are more extensive than has been noted previously, and are to interpret due to scribal errors, the paucity and equivocal particularly striking for book 1, chapters 14–21, 23–25, 27, nature of its punctuation, the spelling variations which it 29, 33, 37, 41, 42–44, and 48; book 2, chapter 1; and book contains, and the presence of a number of terms not found 3, chapters 6, 9–10, and 12 of Monarquía Indiana. The de- in other sources such as Molina ([1571] 1966) and Rémi gree of parallelism is clearly suggestive of some connection Simèon (1963). We handle the scribal errors by reconstruct- between the two documents. Both writers may have drawn ing the intended form, noting this in our end notes. Unfor- upon a common source. Jiménez Moreno (1938) has sug- tunately, Gerste’s transcription also introduced numerous gested that Torquemada may have drawn upon Anónimo errors. Gerste also regularized Nahuatl spelling to a more Mexicano. contemporary form in his transcription. For instance, he Torquemada began collecting material for Monar- regularly rewrote initial y as i. Our own transcription re- quía Indiana as early as 1595, and published his work in turns to the original spelling of the Nahuatl text. 1615. It is known that Torquemada used a variety of previ- Our re-publication of Anónimo Mexicano is being ous sources, including Diego Muñoz Camargo’s Historia de undertaken in order to provide a full English translation of Tlaxcala ([1585] 1966) and Gerónimo de Mendieta’s Histo- all twelve chapters of the Nahuatl text. It is also motivated ria Eclesiática Indiana ([ca. 1596] 1870) as well as native co- by the fact that the manuscript contains not only a number dices or references to them. It is our opinion that Anónimo of previously unattested Nahuatl words, but also because it Mexicano predates Monarquía Indiana and that it is one of contains heretofore unpublished information of historical the various sources which Torquemada drew upon in the interest. preparation of his history. Indeed, it may well have been Anónimo Mexicano is an important document be- written by scribes trained by Franciscan friars. cause of its relationship to other early histories. Taken at Anónimo Mexicano not only contains information face value, the manuscript portrays itself as recounting ma- such as details about the death of Tenancaltzin and the terial from one or more native pictographic codices. Rosa rule of his son Tecoatlalatzin that are absent from Monar- y Saldívar, in his catalog of 1791, described what may be quía Indiana, but it also contains information which was 4 Anónimo Mexicano apparently present in sources used by Torquemada but possibly ideographic codices. The point of view of the text which he chose to withhold from Monarquía Indiana. For suggests that its source material was also Tlaxcalan—the instance, Anónimo Mexicano declares the number of men information about Tlaxcala being the most detailed and who accompanied Nopaltzin to Nepoalco to have been elaborate. Internal evidence, including the handwriting of 3,200,000, whereas Torquemada takes pains to justify his the manuscript, suggests a date for the original manuscript not declaring the unrealistically high figure found in his close to 1600. sources: “If I were to go on, without numbering the people The handwriting of five persons is found on the who arrived in this place, I would do an injustice to the his- manuscript: (1) the primary scribe, (2) a secondary copy- tory (if I were to tell it without telling the number), but if I ist who reproduced three folios of the original manuscript, do refer to it, I fear that it would be viewed as unbelievable. (3) an early editor who made copyediting corrections of er- But, if it is not a clever rationale that forms the opinion but rors by the primary scribe, (4) a commentator who added rather things that are found written (if the ancient paint- occasional marginal notations at a later date, and (5) one ings are true and not mistaken) these say that the people possible notation at the end of the manuscript by Mariano who left these caves and regions numbered more than a Fernández de Echeverría. The Nahuatl dialect of the manu- million people, because in addition to the six kings and script is nonstandard compared with the usual canons of lords who came with Xolotl, there were more than twenty Classical Nahuatl in a number of particulars. For instance, thousand subordinate leaders and captains who had more it includes the frequent use of the imperfect tense -ia as a than a thousand persons each under their care, all of them suffix to the distant-past-as-past -ca in catcaya. The writer being under Xolotl’s command, as well as under that of also formed inahuachuic (toward the vicinity of) by suffix- the other six lords who had depa
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